senor honda

[h=3][/h] [h=1]Watch Lecture Six[/h] [h=2]“The War Power”[/h] [h=3][/h] [h=3]Overview:[/h] The president serves as commander in chief of the armed forces, and he also has the power and responsibility to direct the foreign affairs of the nation. However, the Framers of the Constitution were careful to limit the president’s power by vesting certain war powers, such as the powers to declare and fund war, in Congress. The Founders believed that the fundamental object of any foreign policy should be America’s safety and independence, for the sake of protecting American citizens’ rights. The Progressive view of foreign policy and the war power—which marks a rejection of this principled position—has transformed America into an exporter of ever-changing political ideals.
If you would like help navigating this online course, please visit the help section. If you are unable to find the answer to your question there, please email onlinecourses@hillsdale.edu. Enjoy the course!

senor honda

The reason why we at Hillsdale College take liberal arts education so seriously can be found in our 173-year-old Articles of Association: it is the kind of education necessary for the preservation of free government.
Obtaining the knowledge and developing the character to be a good and useful citizen is a long-term process. That’s why Hillsdale is committed to educating not only college-age students on our campus, but also K-12 students through our Barney Charter School Initiative—not to mention citizens nationwide through our free online courses such as “Constitution 101,” “American History,” and “Free Market Economics.”
As I’ve said many times to audiences around the country, freedom is a natural outcome of a proper education. As our motto puts it, Hillsdale has been “Pursuing Truth and Defending Liberty Since 1844.”
Will you help us in this work? We’re coming to the end of our fiscal year, and we need to maintain a strong financial position so that we can educate even more Americans in the future.
Please make a donation to Hillsdale and help us reach our fiscal year-end goal of $300,000. Your tax-deductible gift can be made here:
https://secure.hillsdale.edu/education-for-liberty/
Thank you for helping provide the education needed to preserve free government.
Warm regards,
Larry P. Arnn
President, Hillsdale College

senor honda

[h=3][/h] [h=1]Watch Lecture Seven[/h] [h=2]“The President as Chief Executive”[/h] [h=3][/h] [h=3][/h] [h=3]Overview:[/h] In order to make the federal government energetic and responsible, the Framers of the Constitution vested the executive power in a unitary presidency. The Framers understood that the president would need assistants to help him fulfill his constitutional duty. While the Constitution gives clear instruction on executive appointments, the text is unclear regarding the dismissal of executive officers. Although the first Congress confirmed the president’s exclusive power of removal in 1789, this understanding has been slowly reversed by the judiciary beginning in 1935. The modern president, contrary to the Founders’ theory, has very little power with regard to removal of subordinate officers.
If you would like help navigating this online course, please visit the help section. If you are unable to find the answer to your question there, please email onlinecourses@hillsdale.edu. Enjoy the course!

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About "The Presidency and the Constitution"
This free, 10-week, not-for-credit course, taught by the Hillsdale College Politics Department faculty, will help you understand the structure and function of executive power in the American constitutional order. The course considers the role of the presidency in the constitutionalism of the Founding Fathers and how that role has changed with the rise of the Progressive administrative state.
Support Hillsdale

senor honda

I spend a majority of my time on the campus of Hillsdale College, and what I see here is in stark contrast to what is happening on college campuses nationwide.
Too many American colleges and universities have become progressive strongholds, hostile toward the principles of liberty and free speech. While they seek to create “safe spaces,” increasingly students are organizing to block and belittle speakers and ideas that they find offensive. Intimidation tactics to stifle opposing views are commonplace, and opinions are welcome only if they align with what the Left views as politically correct.
When did free speech become so dangerous that students must be protected from it?
In a recent edition of Imprimis, Kimberly Strassel of The Wall Street Journal observed that when it comes this growing tendency to strangle free speech,

we need to call out intimidation in any form and manner we see it—and do so instantly. Bullies don’t like to be exposed. They’d rather practice their ugliness in the dark. And one lesson that emerged from all my interviews on this topic is that speaking out works. Those who rolled over merely set themselves up for future attacks. Those who called out the intimidators maintained their rights and won the day.

Hillsdale’s campus is different. Free speech thrives here. If we are to help our students develop their moral character and their understanding of liberty and the requirements of citizenship, it is imperative that we cultivate free, open, and civil discourse.
Hillsdale is different because Hillsdale is uniquely independent. We are one of only a handful of colleges that refuses to take a single penny of state or federal money—even indirectly in the form of federal or state taxpayer-subsidized student loans and grants.
That means we rely on our generous donors to keep Hillsdale operating free of corrupting and unconstitutional regulations imposed by federal bureaucrats.
B, June 30 marks the end of our fiscal year, and we’ve set an ambitious goal of raising $300,000 to help us close out the year in good financial shape and continue as America’s foremost liberal arts college—committed to “pursuing truth and defending liberty” as our motto says.
Will you make a special donation to help Hillsdale meet this goal before our fiscal year ends on June 30? You can give easily at this secure link: https://secure.hillsdale.edu/education-for-liberty/.
Thank you for ensuring that Hillsdale remains a beacon of independence in American higher education—and a college where free speech still flourishes!
Warm regards,
Larry P. Arnn
President, Hillsdale College

senor honda

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[TD="class: yiv9188432589columnContent yiv9188432589widget-span yiv9188432589widget-type-rich_text, align: left"] [h=3][/h] [h=1]Watch Lecture Eight[/h] [h=2]“The Administrative Presidency”[/h] [h=3][/h] [h=3][/h] [h=3]Overview:[/h] A central tenet of Progressivism is the rejection of the president’s constitutional role as chief executive. In response, presidents from both parties have sought other forms of governance. These forms, which have become mainstays of the modern presidency, center power in the White House and depend on regulatory review and a large administrative apparatus. Far from the Lincoln White House, in which the president had two assistants, today’s White House is full of administrators who help to oversee an ever-expanding bureaucratic state.

If you would like help navigating this online course, please visit the help section. If you are unable to find the answer to your question there, please email onlinecourses@hillsdale.edu. Enjoy the course!

[HR][/HR]
About "The Presidency and the Constitution"
This free, 10-week, not-for-credit course, taught by the Hillsdale College Politics Department faculty, will help you understand the structure and function of executive power in the American constitutional order. The course considers the role of the presidency in the constitutionalism of the Founding Fathers and how that role has changed with the rise of the Progressive administrative state.

Support Hillsdale Online Courses

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Hillsdale College 33 East College St Hillsdale, MI 49242 USA

senor honda

A few other college courses that may be of interest to some people:

Course Catalog

Questions about the Courses? Check out our Frequently Asked Questions page.



Introduction to the Constitution—Available Now!

This twelve-lesson course explains the principles underlying the American founding as set forth in the Declaration of Independence and secured by the Constitution. The Founders believed that the principles in these documents were not simply preferences for their own day, but were truths that the sovereign and moral people of America could always rely on as guides in their pursuit of happiness through ordered liberty.
Theology 101: The Western Theological Tradition

The Western theological tradition stretches back thousands of years to the time of the ancient Hebrews. This tradition has had a profound impact on the development of Western Civilization as a whole. This course will consider the origins and development of Western religious theology from the Old Testament through the twentieth century.
American Heritage—From Colonial Settlement to the Current Day

On July 4, 1776, America—acting under the authority of “the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God”—declared its independence from Great Britain. The new nation, founded on the principle that “all Men are created equal,” eventually grew to become the most prosperous and powerful nation in the world. This course will consider the history of America from the colonial era to the present, including major challenges to the Founders’ principles.
The U.S. Supreme Court

Article III of the U.S. Constitution vests the judicial power “in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” According to Federalist 78, the judicial branch “will always be the least dangerous” to the liberty of the American people. Yet, judicial decisions have done much to advance a Progressive agenda that poses a fundamental threat to liberty. This course will consider several landmark Supreme Court cases in relation to the Founders’ Constitution.
Shakespeare: Hamlet and The Tempest

One of the world’s greatest poets, William Shakespeare is the author of plays that have been read and performed for more than 400 years. A close study of his works reveals timeless lessons about human nature, which offer a mirror for examining one’s own character. In Hamlet and The Tempest, Shakespeare considers those virtues and vices that make self-government and statesmanship possible or impossible to achieve.
Public Policy from a Constitutional Viewpoint

The American Founders wrote a Constitution that established a government limited in size and scope, whose central purpose was to secure the natural rights of all Americans. By contrast, early Progressives rejected the notion of fixed limits on government, and their political descendants continue today to seek an ever-larger role for the federal bureaucracy in American life. In light of this fundamental and ongoing disagreement over the purpose of government, this course will consider contemporary public policy issues from a constitutional viewpoint.
Athens and Sparta

A study of the ancient Greek cities of Athens and Sparta is essential for understanding the beginning of the story of Western Civilization. Moreover, such a study reveals timeless truths about the human condition that are applicable in any age. This course will consider life and government in Athens and Sparta, examine their respective roles in the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, and offer some conclusions regarding their continuing relevance.
An Introduction to C.S. Lewis: Writings and Significance

C.S. Lewis was the greatest Christian apologist of the twentieth century. He was also the author of works of fiction, including the Chronicles of Narnia, and of philosophy, including The Abolition of Man. This course will consider Lewis’s apologetics and his fiction, as well as his philosophical and literary writings, and their continuing significance today.

senor honda

A few other college courses that may be of interest to some people:

Course Catalog

Questions about the Courses? Check out our Frequently Asked Questions page.

Winston Churchill and Statesmanship

Winston Churchill was the greatest statesman of the 20th century, and one of the greatest in all of history. From a young age, Churchill understood the unique dangers of modern warfare, and he worked to respond to them. Though best known for his leadership during World War II, he was also a great defender of constitutionalism. A close study of Churchill’s words and deeds offers timeless lessons about the virtues, especially prudence, required for great statesmanship.
The Federalist Papers

Written between October 1787 and August 1788, The Federalist Papers is a collection of newspaper essays written in defense of the Constitution. Writing under the penname Publius, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay explain the merits of the proposed Constitution, while confronting objections raised by its opponents. Thomas Jefferson described the work as “the best commentary on the principles of government, which ever was written.” This course will explore major themes of The Federalist Papers, such as the problem of majority faction, separation of powers, and the three branches of government.
A Proper Understanding of K-12 Education: Theory and Practice

The American Founders recognized the central importance of education for the inculcation of the kind of knowledge and character that is essential to the maintenance of free government. For example, the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 states, “Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.” This course will consider the older understanding of the purpose of education, the more recent Progressive approach that has become dominant today, and some essential elements of K-12 education.
The Presidency and the Constitution

This free, 10-week, not-for-credit course, taught by the Hillsdale College politics faculty, will help you understand the structure and function of executive power in the American constitutional order. The course begins with the place of the president in the constitutionalism of the Founding Fathers and examines how that role has changed with the rise of the modern Progressive administrative state.

Great Books 102: Renaissance to Modern

This 11-week, not-for-credit course, taught by Hillsdale College faculty, will introduce you to great books from the Renaissance through the modern era. You will explore the writings of Shakespeare, Dostoevsky, Austen, Twain, and more. This course will challenge you to seek timeless lessons regarding human nature, virtue, self-government, and liberty in the pages of the great books.
Constitution 101: The Meaning & History of the Constitution

Taught by the Hillsdale College Politics faculty, this course will introduce you to the meaning and history of the United States Constitution. The course will examine a number of original source documents from the Founding period, including especially the Declaration of Independence and The Federalist Papers. The course will also consider two significant challenges to the Founders’ Constitution: the institution of slavery and the rise of Progressivism.
Great Books 101: Ancient to Medieval

This 11-week, not-for-credit course, taught by Hillsdale College faculty, will introduce you to great books from antiquity to the medieval period. You will explore the writings of Homer, St. Augustine, Dante, and more. This course will challenge you to seek timeless lessons regarding human nature, virtue, self-government, and liberty in the pages of the great books.
Economics 101: The Principles of Free Market Economics

History 101: Western Heritage, From the Book of Genesis to John Locke

This is a free, ten-week, not-for-credit online course offered by Hillsdale College. With an introductory lecture by Hillsdale College President Larry P. Arnn, the nine lectures—by members of Hillsdale College's history department faculty—will focus on key aspects of the beginning of Western civilization and its Greco-Roman, Judeo-Christian heritage.
Constitution 201: The Progressive Rejection of the Founding & the Rise of Bureaucratic Despotism

This is a free, ten-week, not-for-credit online course offered by Hillsdale College. With introductory and concluding lectures by Hillsdale College President Larry P. Arnn, the nine lectures—taught by members of Hillsdale College's politics department faculty—are a continuation of Constitution 101 (2012): The Meaning & History of the Constitution. These lectures will focus on the importance of the principles of the American Founding and the current assault on them by the Progressives.
Other Lectures and Programs

Hillsdale Dialogues: A Survey of Great Books, Great Men, and Great Ideas
Weekly series featuring Hillsdale President Larry Arnn, national radio host Hugh Hewitt, and members of the Hillsdale College faculty.

Kirby Center Lectures Archive
Hillsdale College's Allan P. Kirby, Jr. Center for Constitutional Studies and Citizenship in Washington, D.C.

Hillsdale College on Youtube

senor honda

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May/June 2017 • Volume 46, Number 5/6

The 2016 Election and the Demise of Journalistic Standards

Michael Goodwin
The New York Post

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Michael Goodwin is the chief political columnist for The New York Post. He has a B.A. in English literature from Columbia College and has taught at the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. Before joining the Post in 2009, he was the political columnist for The New York Daily News, where he served as executive editor and editorial page editor and led its editorial board to a Pulitzer Prize. Prior to that, he worked for 16 years at The New York Times, beginning as a clerk and rising to City Hall Bureau Chief. He is the co-author of I, Koch and editor of New York Comes Back.

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[TD="class: yiv6382777426columnContent yiv6382777426widget-span yiv6382777426widget-type-rich_text, align: left"] The following is adapted from a speech delivered on April 26, 2017, at Hillsdale College’s Allan P. Kirby, Jr. Center for Constitutional Studies and Citizenship in Washington, D.C., as part of the AWC Family Foundation Lecture Series.

I’ve been a journalist for a long time. Long enough to know that it wasn’t always like this. There was a time not so long ago when journalists were trusted and admired. We were generally seen as trying to report the news in a fair and straight- forward manner. Today, all that has changed. For that, we can blame the 2016 election or, more accurately, how some news organizations chose to cover it. Among the many firsts, last year’s election gave us the gobsmacking revelation that most of the mainstream media puts both thumbs on the scale—that most of what you read, watch, and listen to is distorted by inten- tional bias and hostility. I have never seen anything like it.

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continue reading

senor honda

Continued:
It’s not exactly breaking news that most journalists lean left. I used to do that myself. I grew up at The New York Times, so I’m familiar with the species. For most of the media, bias grew out of the social revolution of the 1960s and ’70s. Fueled by the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements, the media jumped on the anti-authority bandwagon writ large. The deal was sealed with Watergate, when journalism was viewed as more trusted than government—and far more exciting and glamorous. Think Robert Redford in All the President’s Men. Ever since, young people became journalists because they wanted to be the next Woodward and Bernstein, find a Deep Throat, and bring down a president. Of course, most of them only wanted to bring down a Republican president. That’s because liberalism is baked into the journalism cake.
During the years I spent teaching at the Columbia University School of Journalism, I often found myself telling my students that the job of the reporter was “to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable.” I’m not even sure where I first heard that line, but it still captures the way most journalists think about what they do. Translate the first part of that compassionate-sounding idea into the daily decisions about what makes news, and it is easy to fall into the habit of thinking that every person afflicted by something is entitled to help. Or, as liberals like to say, “Government is what we do together.” From there, it’s a short drive to the conclusion that every problem has a government solution.
The rest of that journalistic ethos—“afflict the comfortable”—leads to the knee-jerk support of endless taxation. Somebody has to pay for that government intervention the media loves to demand. In the same vein, and for the same reason, the average reporter will support every conceivable regulation as a way to equalize conditions for the poor. He will also give sympathetic coverage to groups like Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter.
A New Dimension

I knew all of this about the media mindset going into the 2016 presidential campaign. But I was still shocked at what happened. This was not naïve liberalism run amok. This was a whole new approach to politics. No one in modern times had seen anything like it. As with grief, there were several stages. In the beginning, Donald Trump’s candidacy was treated as an outlandish publicity stunt, as though he wasn’t a serious candidate and should be treated as a circus act. But television executives quickly made a surprising discovery: the more they put Trump on the air, the higher their ratings climbed. Ratings are money. So news shows started devoting hours and hours simply to pointing the cameras at Trump and letting them run.

senor honda

Continued:
As his rallies grew, the coverage grew, which made for an odd dynamic. The candidate nobody in the media took seriously was attracting the most people to his events and getting the most news coverage. Newspapers got in on the game too. Trump, unlike most of his opponents, was always available to the press, and could be counted on to say something outrageous or controversial that made a headline. He made news by being a spectacle.
Despite the mockery of journalists and late-night comics, something extraordinary was happening. Trump was dominating a campaign none of the smart money thought he could win. And then, suddenly, he was winning. Only when the crowded Republican field began to thin and Trump kept racking up primary and caucus victories did the media’s tone grow more serious.
One study estimated that Trump had received so much free airtime that if he had had to buy it, the price would have been $2 billion. The realization that they had helped Trump’s rise seemed to make many executives, producers, and journalists furious. By the time he secured the nomination and the general election rolled around, they were gunning for him. Only two people now had a chance to be president, and the overwhelming media consensus was that it could not be Donald Trump. They would make sure of that. The coverage of him grew so vicious and one-sided that last August I wrote a column on the unprecedented bias. Under the headline “American Journalism Is Collapsing Before Our Eyes,” I wrote that the so-called cream of the media crop was “engaged in a naked display of partisanship” designed to bury Trump and elect Hillary Clinton.
The evidence was on the front page, the back page, the culture pages, even the sports pages. It was at the top of the broadcast and at the bottom of the broadcast. Day in, day out, in every media market in America, Trump was savaged like no other candidate in memory. We were watching the total collapse of standards, with fairness and balance tossed overboard. Every story was an opinion masquerading as news, and every opinion ran in the same direction—toward Clinton and away from Trump.
For the most part, I blame The New York Times and The Washington Post for causing this breakdown. The two leading liberal newspapers were trying to top each other in their demonization of Trump and his supporters. They set the tone, and most of the rest of the media followed like lemmings.
On one level, tougher scrutiny of Trump was clearly defensible. He had a controversial career and lifestyle, and he was seeking the presidency as his first job in government. He also provided lots of fuel with some of his outrageous words and deeds during the campaign. But from the beginning there was also a second element to the lopsided coverage. The New York Times has not endorsed a Republican for president since Dwight Eisenhower in 1956, meaning it would back a dead raccoon if it had a “D” after its name. Think of it—George McGovern over Richard Nixon? Jimmy Carter over Ronald Reagan? Walter Mondale over Reagan? Any Democrat would do. And The Washington Post, which only started making editorial endorsements in the 1970s, has never once endorsed a Republican for president.
But again, I want to emphasize that 2016 had those predictable elements plus a whole new dimension. This time, the papers dropped the pretense of fairness and jumped headlong into the tank for one candidate over the other. The Times media reporter began a story this way:I read that paragraph and I thought to myself, well, that’s actually an easy question. If you feel that way about Trump, normal journalistic ethics would dictate that you shouldn’t cover him. You cannot be fair. And you shouldn’t be covering Hillary Clinton either, because you’ve already decided who should be president. Go cover sports or entertainment. Yet the Times media reporter rationalized the obvious bias he had just acknowledged, citing the view that Clinton was “normal” and Trump was not.